When Devlet Bahçeli uttered discourses regarding the Kurdish national issue at the beginning of October, the fascist dictatorship claimed that it had liquidated the PKK within the country and removed it from the agenda. In this respect, Bahçeli's statements can be evaluated as expressing that the "clear sky" is actually "very cloudy" in the context of "security, fight against terrorism".
With Devlet Bahçeli, the Kurdish issue and the liquidation of the PKK became the dominant item on the agenda. We evaluated in the previous issue that this result was due especially to regional-scale developments. We have pointed out that the main feature of the process is a "new liquidation" campaign. Because, although the Kurdish National Movement and its struggle are experiencing one of its weakest periods in terms of tactics within the country's borders, it is experiencing its strongest period with the gains in Syrian Kurdistan (Rojava) and the resistance shown by the Media Areas in the war of destruction in Iraqi Kurdistan, despite all NATO support and intensification. In this respect, the national movement is an active actor with its political power opportunities in the area it holds on a regional scale, its military power and capabilities, and its organized presence in the four parts of Kurdistan.
The orientation and intention of the Turkish rulers expressed with Devlet Bahçeli should be seen as an acceptance of this situation. This accepted reality is also considered as a threat that must be eliminated. The hand that Bahçeli extended with a clear sovereign arrogance on October 22, as "the one who grants peace to the oppressed", was asked to be interpreted by the Kurds as a last chance, and the condition offered for "the evaluation of this gifted hand" was expanded and understood to some extent with other developments. This condition was that the liquidation moves of the government should be supported within the limits determined by the government. This condition is imposed on the entire society.
On October 31, CHP's Esenyurt Mayor Ahmet Özer, who was elected with the "City Consensus" of CHP and DEM Party, was arrested and a trustee was appointed in his place. Also on November 4, Mardin Metropolitan Municipality, Batman Municipality and Halfeti Municipality, which were won by the DEM Party, were usurped again by trustees upon the instructions of the Ministry of Internal Affairs. On the same dates, a visit ban was imposed on Abdullah Öcalan in İmralı. On November 5, Devlet Bahçeli stated that he stood behind his call, that there was no Kurdish problem, but that his duty to eliminate the "terror problem" continued. He criticized the appointment of a trustee to Mardin Metropolitan Municipality Mayor Ahmet Türk and the misuse of such a personality by the CHP. He said both no and yes to the appointment of a trustee in a style that no one could understand.
What is happening points to multifaceted developments.
The first is the crisis experienced by the Turkish Republic's tendency to destroy Kurdish gains and struggle. What gives dimension to this crisis is the regional plans of imperialism, shaped by Israel's attacks that started with Palestine and turned to weakening and siege Iran in order to maintain the balance. TC is shaping moves that involve taking a role in this crisis, and its main goal is to get out of the region by gaining land. Because the military mobilization against the Kurdish National Struggle did not produce the desired results, and developments intensified the contradictions politically. It seems that the Republic of Turkey needs more opportunities to direct its power to the region.
Secondly, the trustee move contains the message that the signals of softening for the state do not indicate a weakness. While the state is trying to liquidate the national movement through "consensus", it is also creating a chauvinist public opinion that will support its stick-handed power through trustees. The choice made with CHP-DEM Party alliance candidates Ahmet Özer and Ahmet Türk is a message that even the most peaceful and conciliatory segments of the Kurdish issue will not have the right to life.
Thirdly, it was preferred to spread the crisis structure towards the whole by drawing the trustee attack towards the CHP line. The tendency in power changes after local elections was towards the option of getting tougher in the struggle by using the advantages of being a dominant clique. This situation is a symptom of the struggle for distribution in the shrinking cake and the crisis structure.
Fourthly, while a new aspect of the crises that continued with ups and downs within the AKP-MHP bloc emerged, the ongoing struggle within the CHP also became clearer. Especially within the CHP, the struggle for the presidency and the differences in approach to the Kurdish issue have sharpened with the appointment of trustees.
Fifth, Devlet Bahçeli's request to pave the way for Tayyip Erdoğan to become president with a constitutional amendment to solve problems such as the economic crisis and "terrorism"; Again, the succession of statements within the CHP by Ekrem İmamoğlu and Mansur Yavaş implying presidential candidacy and the discussions on this basis have revealed that the whole system is discussing the "early election" option. These developments can be interpreted as maturing this option and testing its basis.
The economic crisis experienced by the fascist system is rapidly drifting towards a strong political crisis. Signs of a political crisis between and within alliances are emerging in strong ways. It is not possible not to encounter the harshness seen in the US Presidential Election within its servant, the Republic of Turkey. It seems that the level and size of the change in the US Presidential election and the tension this change will create within the USA will be factors that will affect the course of the Turkish clique struggle. The course and axis this will take will be parallel to the route Trump will follow in foreign policy and the tension and struggle this will create among imperialist monopolies.
The general picture that emerges is that the fascist dictatorship is in a search focused on the Kurdish issue. On this axis, steps that disrupt the given balances come one after another. Devlet Bahçeli: "Weapons or politics in the axis of Abdullah Öcalan and DEM Party?" While opening the door to the debate, Tayyip Erdoğan talks about increasing the dose of aggression at home and abroad by saying "Our Kurdish brothers are our interlocutors, the fight against terrorism is our principle" rather than commenting on these discourses. It is debatable whether the spokesmen of this dominant alliance acted within a distribution of duties regarding the roles of "priest" and "executioner" or whether they entered into a serious struggle. However, the basic paradigm of the concentration on the Kurdish issue is the total elimination of the discourse of "reconciliation and peace" and the elimination of the form based on armed resistance. This is a multi-dimensional and comprehensive "liquidation" plan.
It seems that politics based on liquidation will feed the ground that strengthens this political movement that feeds the worldview suffering from liquidationism. Constitutionalist, conciliatory, intra-system discussions and reformist minds and attitudes surrounding the masses are already lined up in groups. In the political climate where the given constitution, laws and rules are not recognized, the effort to improve with the "struggle for rights and law" leaves its mark on the process as the basic approach.
The reluctance of the broad masses about this situation, their lack of expectation and disbelief about change in this axis make the reformist and liquidationist movements more determined to reverse this. The anger accumulated in the masses against the consequences of the economic crisis reflected in social life, the growing hatred against the brutal usurpation of political freedoms and rights, the deep distrust of the government and the opposition and the corruption that shows the extent of the disconnection from the masses, the independence of the people in the conditions where the most despicable forms of massacres of women and children have turned into a social crisis and reaction. A liquidator wind continues to blow, in which his actions are virtually hindered.
At the point where the Kurdish national question occupies the agenda, chauvinism campaigns are trying to stifle "full equality of rights" in a dishonorable way while fattening social-chauvinism. The solution to the Kurdish problem is being discussed without discussing the most basic national rights. The Turkish people are being made vulnerable to all forms of the poison of chauvinism. They are trying to impose new conditions of slavery on the Kurdish nation.
Communists must turn the political climate created by the process and the void created by clique struggles into a line of telling the truth to the masses and organizing the independent action of the people in the strongest way.
